Professor Suchocka pointed out that although much attention has been paid to political and economic transformations, little attention has been paid to social mentality. The latter may greatly affect the future of Polish reforms. In the current social cl imate, she said, it is easier to give impressions than predictions.
After 1989, a new social group arose, namely, entrepreneurs, who prevented the old social order from restoring itself. In 1992 international organizations such as the OECD had an optimistic view of Poland. Leaders saw privatization as their best hope, f or three reasons. First, it would help the state make the transition from plan to market. Second, it would create new categories of responsibility and risk-taking. Third, it would combat the bureaucracy rooted in the state process.
Privatization was to go hand in hand with decentralization. The process was started by the governments of Tadeusz Mazowiecki and Jan Bielecki, which preceded Suchocka's, and her government planned to finish it. There were three motivations for decentral ization. First, it would create non-political civil servants. Second, since Polish society is a rather passive society because its citizens were raised under communism, decentralization would make people more politically active. Third decentralization creates the basis for local self-governance and democracy.
Professor Suchocka is currently in a major opposition party, The Freedom Union. She says Poland needs local self-governance on higher levels than just community. Currently there are two levels of governance in Poland: the community (municipality) and t he state_there is nothing in between.
Suchocka's earlier views for the future were of hopes and misgivings, but now she sees paradoxes. She cites the constitution and trade unions as two examples. She noted that Poland has an amended, but not a new, constitution. She realizes that a new co nstitution is not enough to solve all state and local problems. A new constitution requires compromise. But Poland is solving its problems through conflict rather than compromise. A paradox is that Poland was the first East European country to move awa y from socialism in 1989, but will be among the last in introducing a new (democratic) constitution.
Another paradox relates to trade unions. Poland needs to go farther with privatization, and foreign investment, but the terms are often unacceptable to Poland's strong trade unions. Solidarity trade unions, (as well as individual farmers) originally wer e a major force that stimulated the democratic consciousness and economic reform. Today they have turned into a powerful stumbling block, that is slowing down the reforms. Today around half of the people support privatization, and half are against.